| The controversial issue of Constantine's supposed | | | | evidence that this statue actually did exist but it is |
| conversion to Christianity has bedevilled serious | | | | uncertain whether the symbol was the "Chi-Rho" |
| students of his age, ever since the time of Gibbon | | | | monogram of Christ's name or the cross of his |
| (1737 - 1794). This historian, with the typical | | | | passion. |
| scepticism of the eighteenth century rationalist, first | | | | Lanctantius in his book "On the Deaths of the |
| confronted the conventional view of Constantine, | | | | Persecutors" - XLIV (DMP) (c318) was the earliest |
| portrayed as champion of the church and first | | | | reference we have to Constantine's vision at the |
| Christian emperor. This traditional, over-simplified and | | | | Milvian Bridge, whereby Constantine was told in a |
| idealised picture of the emperor had its origins in the | | | | dream to inscribe [the sign of] Christ on the shields |
| writings of certain early church historians, who left | | | | of his soldiers. Lactantius , who's language was Latin, |
| accounts contained references to miraculous "visions" | | | | states that the Greek letters were "Chi" intercepted |
| and "celestial signs". Obviously these types of events | | | | by a crooked form of "Ipsilon" which is similar, but |
| lie outside the legitimate realm of secular | | | | not identical to the "Chi-Rho" monogram of Christ. |
| historiography. In any event it is quite impossible to | | | | This has caused considerable dispute subsequently, |
| ascertain with any real degree of certainty that the | | | | amongst scholars who have derived extremely |
| purported religious conviction of anyone at all is truly | | | | diverse and tenuous theories from this discrepancy. |
| genuine. Essentially this is always a private matter | | | | Some have tried strenuously to disprove the Christian |
| between each individual and his own god. However | | | | symbolism. eg Henri Gregoire's theory of the X of |
| we may legitimately accept that a hypothesis for any | | | | the "Vota". None of these arguments are convincing |
| motive or conviction, attributed to a historical figure, | | | | and the discrepancy remains unexplained. It may just |
| is proven historiographically, if all the established facts | | | | have been a simple error arising from Lactantius' |
| of that person's deeds and behaviour, as well as his | | | | unfamiliarity with the Greek symbol, which was |
| surviving correspondence and reported utterances, | | | | familiar in the East but not in the Latin West, or |
| are consistent with this deduction, always provided | | | | equally plausibly, for those more cynical, an attempt |
| that the integrity of the sources for this information | | | | by Constantine to unite his army under an ambiguous |
| can be verified with a high degree of certainty. | | | | symbol, acceptable to both pagan and Christian. |
| The direct results of the events surrounding this | | | | Eusebius subsequent work "Life of Constantine" (Vita |
| particular alleged conversion (whether true or | | | | Constantinus - VC) is believed to have been written |
| pretended) were absolutely pivotal for setting out | | | | around 340, long after the alleged conversion, but |
| the future course for both the Roman Empire and | | | | there is some dispute as to whether it was in fact |
| for the Christian Church, the joint foundation stones | | | | written by Eusebius and not by some later writers. |
| of Western Civilisation, as we know it today. An | | | | As this is a matter that only experts can decide, the |
| examination of the motives that likely influenced | | | | current acceptance of Eusebius as being the author, |
| Constantine in his rise to power and guided his | | | | and also regarding the authenticity of the |
| subsequent acts is therefore essential, in order to | | | | documentary transcripts included therein, is assumed |
| begin to understand his epoch, which brought about | | | | to be correct for the purposes of this essay. This |
| such fundamental changes to the philosophical | | | | work (VC) goes further than the previous two |
| concept of the state and particularly in its relationship | | | | books (HE & DMP) regarding the revelations that |
| to the religious life of its people. | | | | were given to Constantine, virtually assigning him to |
| A critical examination of the integrity of the major | | | | the status of an Old Testament prophet and is |
| literary sources for Constantine's reign is therefore of | | | | reminiscent of the epiphany on the road to |
| cardinal importance. By far the most important | | | | Damascus. Whilst on his way to Italy (from Gaul) |
| sources, for this period and especially for the subject | | | | according to Eusebius the Emperor stretched out his |
| of his apparent conversion, are the contemporary | | | | arms and prayed to his father's god (Sol) he asked |
| Christian historians, Eusebius of Caesarea (AD 260 - | | | | him to reveal who he was and to assist him in his |
| 340) and Lactantius (AD 250 - 320), who was a | | | | present enterprise. He then saw a vision of "the |
| native of the province of Africa. If we can satisfy | | | | trophy of a cross of light, in the heavens above the |
| ourselves, from an analysis of these two primary | | | | sun" bearing the inscription "In this Conquer". His |
| sources, that their record of Constantine's behaviour | | | | whole army was also supposed to have seen this |
| is consistent and plausible and moreover is compatible | | | | sign. Later he was commanded by Christ in a dream |
| with the surviving documentary, numismatic, | | | | to make the likeness of this vision into a standard for |
| archaeological and other evidence, then on a strict | | | | his troops (Laburnum) with the "Chi-Rho" monogram. |
| balance of probabilities we may legitimately accept | | | | Eusebius maintains that all this was revealed to the |
| (or reject) the proposition that he was an authentic | | | | writer privately, much later, under oath. He also |
| convert. However should the literary record prove to | | | | states that the emperor wore this same monogram |
| be flawed, containing sections that are substantially | | | | on his helmet later, numismatic evidence confirms this. |
| unfair as a result of bias, or to some degree | | | | Constantine then took instruction by certain Christians |
| inconsistent with established facts, due to errors, | | | | about the mysteries he had observed and thereafter |
| untruths, illogical statements or unsubstantiated | | | | led his soldiers to victory. He celebrated this victory |
| deductions, then the faulty material must be rejected. | | | | by erecting a statue of himself with the salutary sign |
| This may leave insufficient tested material remaining | | | | of a spear with a cross member as symbol of the |
| to give any certainty for resolving the issue. In that | | | | revelation given to him. |
| event, we must remain content with the | | | | The critics of a sudden (or miraculous) conversion of |
| unsatisfactory conclusion that the issue is not | | | | the emperor are quick to point out the huge |
| decidable, or at best, one point of view may be | | | | difference between the brightly painted later story of |
| accepted, with qualifications, as a working hypothesis, | | | | Eusebius (VC) and that of the earlier versions told |
| for seeming the more probable of the two options. | | | | both by himself (HE) and Lactantius (DMP). Surely |
| The yardstick for assessing the validity of these | | | | such momentous happenings as the celestial vision |
| sources will thus be the degree to which they can | | | | and Constantine's subsequent actions would not have |
| sustain a definitive answer to our proposition. | | | | escaped the earlier accounts, especially if witnessed |
| Eusebius, church historian and Christian theologian, | | | | by a whole army? Why did Constantine wait all those |
| was a renowned scholar and prolific writer. He was, | | | | years to declare his vision, and then only do it |
| inter alia, the author of "Ecclesiastical History (HE)" | | | | privately, long after he had openly embraced |
| written in 315 and revised ten years later. He is also | | | | Christianity in his public acts? The logic is not credible. |
| believed to be the author of "The life of Constantine | | | | Lactantius further in the DMP also reports on the |
| (VC)", which is a biography, containing invaluable | | | | miraculous intervention of a angel who gave |
| transcripts of important official letters and | | | | assistance to Constantine's colleague Licinius in the |
| documents, relating to Constantine's reign (written | | | | battle of Campus Ergenus (313 against the |
| c340 - if the authorship is allowed). He was also | | | | persecutor Maximin Daia). Jaques Moreau points out |
| known as Eusebius Pamphili, in commemoration of his | | | | that Licinius is given equal weight with Constantine, as |
| martyred friend, colleague and literary collaborator, | | | | a champion of the Christians by Lactantius, who was |
| Pamphilus of Caesaraea. After Pamphilus' death he | | | | writing in c318. Lactantius died in about 320 and |
| moved to Tyre, but fled to Egypt during the | | | | Licinius was subsequently shown by his acts clearly to |
| persecution initiated by the emperor Galerius in 304. | | | | be an unrepentant pagan at the time of his death in |
| Following the retraction of the persecution by the | | | | 324. This definitely casts doubt on both his supposed |
| "Edict of Toleration", promulgated by Galerius at | | | | revelation and by association also on that of |
| Nicomedia on 30 April 311 (ref: Ecclesiastical History | | | | Constantine, as reported by Lactantius. |
| VIII. XVII. 6-10), he was able to return to Palestine, | | | | One of the strongest arguments against a sudden |
| becoming bishop of Caesarea in 314. He was the | | | | "miraculous" conversion for Constantine to the |
| confidant and adviser of Constantine from about 324 | | | | Christian faith, as mooted by Eusebius and Lactantius |
| and tried to secure a moderate outcome from the | | | | is that for some considerable time after the victory |
| Council of Nicaea, in which he gave the opening | | | | at Milvian bridge Constantine continues to use the |
| address. His writing was in Greek. | | | | symbol of the sun in tandem with the use of |
| Lactantius was converted to Christianity late in life | | | | Christian symbols (eg on his victory arch in Rome and |
| and he lost his position as professor of rhetoric, as a | | | | also on coins and medallions). He declared Sunday |
| result of it. He became an staunch defender of the | | | | (the day of the sun) to be a day of rest in such an |
| church at the time of the persecutions and forever | | | | ambiguous manner that both Christian or pagan could |
| remained critical of paganism. His major work, "On | | | | participate with clear conscience. In all his early |
| the Deaths of the Persecutors" (DMP), was published | | | | correspondence there is no mention of Christ, but |
| in 318. He was the tutor of Constantine's eldest son | | | | only of God [un-named]. There is a strong argument |
| Crispus. He wrote in elegant Latin and included | | | | (put up by A.Piganiol) that Constantine originally |
| valuable direct transcripts of official documents in the | | | | believed that Christianity could be assimilated with his |
| DMP, such as the "Edict of Toleration" previously | | | | solar religion in some sort of co-existence, not |
| mentioned (ref DMP xxxiv) and the "Edict of Milan" | | | | realising how exclusive was the "jealous god" of the |
| (ref DMP xlviii) | | | | Christians. If this was the case, Constantine evolved |
| Knowing something of the background of the two | | | | from this position slowly over the following decade |
| writers, we are immediately faced with a dilemma, if | | | | and in the hands of his Christian advisers became |
| using them as our primary sources. Firstly, neither | | | | steadily more orthodox in his faith. By the mid |
| author was actually attempting to produce a work of | | | | twenties he was actively participating in church affairs |
| pure historiography and therefore was not subjected | | | | and his correspondence shows that he no longer had |
| to the discipline that this form of writing implies. In | | | | sympathy for the pagans, although he scornfully |
| effect both were writing to celebrate the triumph of | | | | permits them to persist in their error. His late baptism |
| their faith over the pagan persecutors in the form of | | | | in his final illness confirms his Christianity and the delay |
| "providential histories". In this genre, although historical | | | | is understandable for a head of State who could |
| facts may be recorded with a fair degree of | | | | neither afford the usual onerous three year |
| accuracy, however all events are analysed in terms | | | | apprenticeship of a proselyte, nor wished to close |
| of the preordained will of God and the direct | | | | the books until he was sure that his days of sinning |
| intervention by the deity is not only considered | | | | were over. His Christianity was certainly not of the |
| acceptable, but is central to the theme. Secondly | | | | meek type, as his sins intensified and his reign |
| both authors were committed Christians, who had | | | | became more bloody in later years (viz the murder |
| suffered personal loss in the recent persecutions and | | | | of his son Crispus) |
| therefore cannot reasonably be expected to be clear | | | | Whether his actual conversion to Christianity was |
| of pro-Christian and anti-pagan bias. Moreover by the | | | | sudden or gradual, the fact remains that, immediately |
| time the final editions of their work were published, | | | | after the battle of the Milvian Bridge, Constantine's |
| both men were firmly in Constantine's camp, | | | | behaviour towards the sect took a leap forwards. |
| Eusebius, becoming his trusted friend and advisor and | | | | That he was sympathetic towards the church is |
| Lactantius the tutor to the emperor's son. It was | | | | beyond dispute. There is documentary evidence of |
| certainly in their interests, both in their personal | | | | written instructions to the Proconsul of Africa |
| capacities and also as representatives of their faith to | | | | Anullinus (313) and a letter to Cacaellian, Bishop of |
| portray Constantine as a "man of Providence". | | | | Carthage, at the same time, which serve to reverse |
| Norman Banes in his Raleigh Lecture of 1929, | | | | the effects of the previous persecutions. The |
| continues with this point, quoting an appropriate | | | | so-called "Edict of Milan" in 313 is further evidence of |
| extract, "It would be strange", Constantine proceeds, | | | | this trend, which continued until he had clearly and |
| "if the glory of the confessors should not be raised | | | | openly shown that he considered himself a Christian |
| to greater splendour and blessedness under the rule | | | | by the time of the council at Nicaea in 325. |
| of the servant of God..." (VC 2.28 - 29). However | | | | The evidence of Eusebius and Lactantius, is |
| Henri Gregoire (Conversion of Constantine) goes | | | | insufficiently strong to support a clear finding that |
| further and moots the discarding of the VC | | | | Constantine suddenly became a Christian, just prior to |
| completely, as "a romanticised panegyric", which is at | | | | the battle of Milvian Bridge. That there was the use |
| odds with the earlier HE. | | | | of Christian symbols by individuals amongst his troops |
| Having taken cognisance of the potential danger that | | | | during the campaign seems most probable and |
| some of the content, presented by our sources, | | | | Constantine in all likelihood probably did attribute his |
| may well suffer from distortions, arising from an | | | | success to assistance from the Christian god (or to |
| excess of zeal, we must now examine the sources | | | | the Christians). This would not be inconsistent in a |
| and see how their record actually stands up to the | | | | superstitious age, especially for one who had belief in |
| yardstick proposed in the preamble to this essay. For | | | | a syncretic religion, in which the sun was only a |
| this we shall concentrate on the key elements | | | | demi-urge or the principle aspect of the Creator, who |
| relating to Constantine's rise to become sole ruler of | | | | could manifest himself in many forms. The heavenly |
| the Roman world and his apparent relationship with | | | | revelations, as reported by the two churchmen are |
| the Christian faith. | | | | not convincing and were probably the results of an |
| There is little controversy regarding the Constantine's | | | | excess in zeal on their part. Eusebius account in VC |
| pagan background before his quarrel with his fellow | | | | has all the hallmarks of a fabrication and should be |
| Augustus Maxentius, and his subsequent invasion of | | | | discarded. Lactantius also is suspect, when we |
| Italy in 312 and apparent conversion to Christianity. | | | | consider his Christianization of the pagan Licinius. |
| From about 310 it is generally taken that Constantine | | | | Ultimately Constantine appears to have been |
| was an adherent of the monotheistic worship of Sol | | | | converted in a less spectacular, but equally effective |
| Invicta - the Unconquered Sun. This cult had long | | | | way, which was facilitated by his syncretic solar |
| associations with his family, although there had been | | | | religion and in all probability his faith evolved over time |
| an politically motivated association with Hercules in | | | | into orthodox Christianity. In fact the emperor's |
| the interim. The religion of Sol Invicta was a syncretic | | | | background in the cult of Sol Invicta and philosophical |
| solar cult, which enabled the various attributes of | | | | paganism clearly influenced the outcome of Nicene |
| polytheistic paganism to be assimilated into one | | | | Council and hence the Christian Creed as we know it |
| universal deity. According to Jaques Moreau this | | | | today. The concept of the trinity with the central |
| syncretism was useful as a unifying medium for | | | | tenet of Homoousios (Christ being of the same |
| diverse cults of the empire and "was in no way | | | | essence as the father-creator) seems to be |
| offensive to Christians", with whom it shared some | | | | consistent with the belief structure of the more |
| common symbolism. Numismatic evidence strongly | | | | sophisticated or intellectual pagans. The synod of |
| supports the conclusion that Constantine was an | | | | Antioch were uncomfortable with this concept |
| adherent of Sol and the symbolism remains on the | | | | because it had originated in pagan Greek philosophy |
| coins of Constantine until the 320s. He was also | | | | We must conclude that the two Christian sources are |
| reported to have had a dream of meeting the Sun | | | | acceptable as a valuable record of the actual events |
| God at a grove of Sol-Apollo in Gaul. There is no | | | | or happenings, but cannot stand up critical analysis |
| allegation of actual Christian sympathies before his | | | | where they touch on Constantine's motives or |
| victory at the Malvinian Bridge, but Constantine | | | | beliefs. The inconsistencies between the three |
| appears to have followed his father, Constantius | | | | accounts, with the remotest in time (VC) having the |
| Chlorus, in desisting from persecuting the sect in the | | | | most detail and requiring the greater faith in the |
| areas under his juristiction. Let us now examine what | | | | writer's bona fides, is suspicious and lead us to reject |
| the sources actually say regarding his conversion. | | | | the hypothesis of the emperor's sudden conversion. |
| Eusebius' "Ecclesiastical History" (HE) was originally | | | | This conclusion is sustained by the record of the |
| written in 315 and revised ten years later. It was the | | | | evolution of Constantine's official acts towards the |
| earliest literary account of Constantine"s conversion. | | | | Christians, which seem to begin merely with a desire |
| According to him Constantine called "even on Jesus | | | | to redress past injustices after Milvian bridge and |
| Christ the Saviour of all, as his ally", at the battle of | | | | finally culminate in active participation, if not actual |
| Milvian Bridge and thereafter had a statue of himself | | | | control of the Church's affairs, by the emperor. |
| made with a Christian symbol in his hand. There is | | | | |